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Through much of the 19th century it was in many respects a society in which the state could hardly be said to exist, as European observers noted with awe.Radical liberal ideas were manifested and applied by groups such as the Jeffersonians, Jacksonians, abolitionists, and late-19th-century anti-imperialists.In France, for instance, liberals used state-funded schools and institutes to promote secularism under the Directory, and they supported anticlerical legislation during the Third Republic, while in Bismarck's Germany they spearheaded the against the Catholic Church.
The astonishing success of the Dutch experiment exerted a "demonstration effect" on European social thought and, gradually, political practice.
This was even truer of the later example of England.
In historical perspective, it is clear that what is known as the Industrial Revolution was Europe's (and America's) way of dealing with an otherwise intractable population explosion.
Some conservatives went on to forge a critique of the market order based on its alleged materialism, soullessness, and anarchy.
The theory of spontaneous order was elaborated by later liberal thinkers, notably Herbert Spencer and Carl Menger in the 19th century and F. One argument between liberals and Burkean and other conservatives who in important respects stand close to liberalism is related to this central liberal conception.
While liberals typically expect the market in the widest sense — the network of voluntary exchanges — to generate a system of institutions and mores conducive to its continuance, conservatives insist that the indispensable underpinning must be provided by the state beyond the simple protection of life, liberty, and property, including especially state support of religion.
The ideal type of antiwar and anti-imperialist liberalism was provided by the Manchester School and its leaders Richard Cobden and John Bright.
Cobden, particularly, developed a sophisticated analysis of the motives and machinations of states leading to war.
The qualifying "classical" is now usually necessary, in English-speaking countries at least (but not, for instance, in France), because liberalism has come to be associated with wide-ranging interferences with private property and the market on behalf of egalitarian goals.
This version of liberalism — if such it can still be called — is sometimes designated as "social," or (erroneously) "modern" or the "new," liberalism.